Género - History Lab https://historylab.es Fri, 20 May 2022 15:15:28 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=7.0 https://historylab.es/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/cropped-icono-historylab-32x32.jpg Género - History Lab https://historylab.es 32 32 Encomienda of women abducted or manifested by marriage in the Diocese of Zaragoza (1700-1810) https://historylab.es/encomienda-of-women-abducted-or-manifested-by-marriage-in-the-diocese-of-zaragoza-1700-1810/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=encomienda-of-women-abducted-or-manifested-by-marriage-in-the-diocese-of-zaragoza-1700-1810 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:56 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/encomienda-de-mujeres-secuestradas-o-manifestadas-por-palabra-matrimonial-en-la-diocesis-de-zaragoza-1700-1810/ Graph showing the custody fate of women "abducted" as a legal formula for marriage against the will of the parents

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]]> At the beginning of modernity, and after the Council of Trent (1545-1563), the Church considered that Catholic marriages were based on the freedom of choice of the contracting parties. In effect, the marriage union was to be ratified by the man and the woman without coercion and under their own motivation. However, acceptance could be, and often was, conditioned by the family environment. The promulgation of the canon law of freedom of marriage was accompanied by legal remedies which, under ecclesiastical protection, made it possible for a woman engaged to a man to run away from home in order to marry against the wishes of her parents: this was “kidnapping”. This resource was used in Spain to extract the bride and groom safely. For this purpose, while waiting for the union under the altar, the woman was taken to another place for the protection of her decision. The resource shows the encomiendas of women “abducted”, or manifested by word of marriage, in the Diocese of Saragossa between 1700 and 1810. The main place to which they turned was to households of equal honour and social status to the abductee’s natural family (61% of cases); followed by the protection of local authorities (26%), religious institutions or the home of “honourable widows” (3% in both cases), or other relatives (3%). what did the parents do about the abduction? Of the 233 cases analysed, 3% were resolved by forced return to the parental home, 2% by infra-judicial arrangements and a remarkable 95% by marriage consolidation of the abducted maiden.

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]]> The age of marriage of women in 18th century Spain. A regional overview https://historylab.es/the-age-of-marriage-of-women-in-18th-century-spain-a-regional-overview/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-age-of-marriage-of-women-in-18th-century-spain-a-regional-overview Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:36 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/la-edad-del-matrimonio-de-las-mujeres-en-la-espana-del-siglo-xviii-una-panoramica-regional/ Balance of the age of entry into marriage in the different regions of Spain showing a clear contrast between the north and the south

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]]> In 18th century Spain, women married on average at the age of 23 and men at the age of 25, as corroborated by the Floridablanca Census of 1787. These ages are lower than in Europe, where it was common for women to marry between 25 and 28 and men between 27 and 30. Even so, however, there was a tendency for first marriages to be later than in previous centuries. This trend, however, was not uniform, but seems to have followed a south/north-northwest upward direction, which confirms the existence of an unequal regional reality that we cannot fail to point out. According to Pérez Moreda (1988), in 1787 the first marriages of women in Extremadura were at 21.9 years of age, those in Andalusia at 22.3; those in Valencia at 22.7; those in Castilla La Nueva at 23.4; Castilla la Vieja, 23.7; León, 24.2; Galicia 25.3 and the Basque Country 26.1. Uneven behaviour for which it is not easy to find unicausal explanations. Rather, it is necessary to take into account a variety of factors that to a greater or lesser extent influence marital behaviour: living conditions, work possibilities, economic opportunities, the existence of complementary activities and levels of pluriactivity, the weight of migratory movements, the form of access to resources -and especially to the exploitation of land-, inheritance law, custom, inheritance practices, cultural aspects linked to the medieval past, the logic of family systems, social differences, marital strategies and other mechanisms of social reproduction.

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]]> Servants and the average age of women at marriage in the Crown of Castile in 1787 https://historylab.es/servants-and-the-average-age-of-women-at-marriage-in-the-crown-of-castile-in-1787/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=servants-and-the-average-age-of-women-at-marriage-in-the-crown-of-castile-in-1787 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:36 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/criados-y-edad-media-de-la-mujer-al-matrimonio-en-la-corona-de-castilla-en-1787/ Contrasts between North and South Castilian between the number of servants and the age at which women enter into marriage

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]]> The graph shows that among men there was no direct connection between access to marriage and the abandonment of servant work. The three provinces with the highest number of servants (Madrid without the capital, Toledo and Albacete) show how the age of access to marriage is among the lowest in Castile, only surpassed by Ciudad Real, Extremadura, Andalusia and Murcia. The latter had the lowest percentage of servants; a fact that put it in line with the central and northern regions of the peninsula. Of all of them, Galicia, Asturias, León and Burgos stood out for having few servants and a high rate of marriage access (over 24 years of age). The demography, socio-economic structure and life cycles are reflected and differentiated geographically in this graph.

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]]> Demographic wight and femininity of servants in French cities of the ancient regime https://historylab.es/demographic-wight-and-femininity-of-servants-in-french-cities-of-the-ancient-regime/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=demographic-wight-and-femininity-of-servants-in-french-cities-of-the-ancient-regime Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:20 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/poids-demographique-et-feminite-des-serviteursdans-les-villes-francaises-dancien-regime/ Annex to the demographic weight of women in servitude in France under the ancient regime

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]]> Gender studies have burst onto the scene to make up for years of women’s relative absence from historical analysis. Social gender studies allow us to trace patterns of behaviour that influence the genders in their performance in history. In this case, we see the enormous weight of women in French serfdom during the ancien régime. This is mainly due to the fact that women, unlike men, did not tend to be as mobile as men. To this must be added the fact that the burden of children was often left to the mother, who often had to raise them alone due to the high mortality rate among men. The need to maintain the family economy created these networks of dependency, which mainly affected women from the lowest social stratum. In this way, we could also make a class analysis of which spectrum of women was susceptible to servitude. In this case, those who belonged to the privileged social groups tended to have incomes which, in the case of widowhood, allowed them to support themselves.

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]]> Testamentary practices of Salamancan servants (1601-1650) https://historylab.es/testamentary-practices-of-salamancan-servants-1601-1650/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=testamentary-practices-of-salamancan-servants-1601-1650 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:13 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/practicas-testamentarias-de-criados-salmantinos-1601-1650/ Resource showing the mentality of the Salamanca servants on their deathbed according to the sex of the testators

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]]> Attitudes to death are a reflection of the mentality of the time. Between 1601 and 1650, the 106 wills compiled by the author for the socio-professional group of servants in Salamanca give us a clear picture: the majority of servants were women (75% as opposed to 25% men). Despite the predominance of women, only 2.5% were able to sign, while in the male group this rises to 23%. Women were more likely to make offerings (47.5%), to leave their master as executor (57.7%) and their soul as heir (57.5%). The deep religiosity that permeated Ancien Régime society was also evident among male servants. Indeed, up to 38.5% offered their inheritance to their soul to ensure their welfare beyond the earthly life through masses and offices for the souls. It was also common for them to ask to be accompanied at their funeral by a clergyman or by a religious institution, such as the confraternities.

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]]> Burial place of the Salamancan servants (1601-1650) https://historylab.es/burial-place-of-the-salamancan-servants-1601-1650/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=burial-place-of-the-salamancan-servants-1601-1650 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:13 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/lugar-de-sepultura-de-los-criados-salmantinos-1601-1650/ Table showing the preferred burial place of Salamancan servants, according to sex, between 1601 and 1650

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]]> The servants of Salamanca between 1601 and 1650 were predisposed to be buried in the church, followed by places not yet determined, convents or hospitals. This attitude to death is conditioned both by the mentality of the time and by the socio-economic characteristics of the group to which they belonged. Why in the Church? The motivations identified by the author reflect, firstly, the family conscience, as their ancestors were buried there, and secondly, the lower economic cost, as it was cheaper than the other options. Those buried in convents either had a relationship of dependence on them, being servants of these institutions, or had devotions to certain religious orders, which is why there was a higher percentage of men than women who chose this option: 26.9% compared to 22.5%. However, many of the testators (23.75% of women and 34.6% of men) did not specify the place of burial, leaving the choice to their executors, where relatives and masters were the most common choices.

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]]> Shaping the Demographic Parameters of the Differentiated Household in a North Atlantic Model (1584-1670) https://historylab.es/shaping-the-demographic-parameters-of-the-differentiated-household-in-a-north-atlantic-model-1584-1670/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=shaping-the-demographic-parameters-of-the-differentiated-household-in-a-north-atlantic-model-1584-1670 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:28:40 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/configuracion-de-los-parametros-demograficos-del-hogar-diferenciado-en-un-modelo-noratlantico-1584-1670/ Resource that deals with the structural model of families in the Galician region of Baixo Minho to see the demographic sociology of households according to their social status

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]]> Rural society in south-western Galicia, in the Bajo Miño region, was part of the North Atlantic demographic system. The study of the parish of San Martín de Caldelas, between 1584 and 1670, shows us the configuration of households according to their economic, material and status level within society: upper, middle and lower families. A first analysis reveals the predominance in number of the lower, more humble families. In these families, the average number of children per family was lower than in the middle and upper families, being 5.79, 7.67 and 6.6 respectively. Another significant difference is the age of entry into marriage, both for women and men, with the poorer families showing a tendency to delay entry due to a late exit from the family, while the upper families had a younger age of marriage for the male than the others. This age difference had an impact on the years of actual fertility, being higher in the more privileged families. The wide variety of information provided by the author helps us to understand the demographic dynamics of families; a structural issue for the analysis and explanation of the society of the Ancien Régime.

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]]> Types of servants in the middle of the 18th century in Jorquera and Casas Ibáñez (Albacete) https://historylab.es/types-of-servants-in-the-middle-of-the-18th-century-in-jorquera-and-casas-ibanez-albacete/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=types-of-servants-in-the-middle-of-the-18th-century-in-jorquera-and-casas-ibanez-albacete Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:28:40 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/tipos-de-criados-a-mediados-del-siglo-xviii-en-jorquera-y-casas-ibanez-albacete/ Typology of servants in a rural environment, a reflection of economic activity and family dependency

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]]> The servants were, within the households, a productive part of the family economy in the rural world. In this context, the data offered by the author with the analysis of the towns of Jorquera and Casas Ibáñez, in the province of Albacete, go in this direction. The majority of the servants (73 out of 176) were livestock servants, followed by domestic servants (52) and labour servants (40). Thus, the majority of servants were linked to agricultural and livestock tasks (64.2%). It was also common for wealthy families to have servants who served more for ostentatious than productive purposes. They accounted for 29.54%, 80% of whom were named after women. Their work was centred on domestic assistance and care. In contrast to livestock and labour servants, service servants tended to live in their masters’ homes. Finally, in the “others” section of the resource, we find servants serving in the trades of merchants, artisans and other liberal professions, which were in the minority in this rural environment and whose performance did not require a servant so much as an apprentice son. Six per cent, 11 out of 176, corresponded to this type of work.

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]]> The age at first marriage of women and men in Castile during the Modern Era https://historylab.es/the-age-at-first-marriage-of-women-and-men-in-castile-during-the-modern-era/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=the-age-at-first-marriage-of-women-and-men-in-castile-during-the-modern-era Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:28:33 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/la-edad-al-primer-matrimonio-de-las-mujeres-y-de-los-hombres-en-castilla-durante-la-edad-moderna/ Differences between the ages of men and women at marriage in inland Spain, 16th-18th centuries

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]]> Based on the method of reconstructing families by using parish registers, numerous micro-analytical demographic studies were carried out in Spain, mainly during the 1970s and 1980s. Thanks to these studies, it was possible to compare the reproductive behaviour of the different Spanish regions and to better outline the demographic structures. A synthesis of these results from a temporal perspective was carried out by Manuel Ardit Lucas. He found four large areas throughout the Modern Age according to the average age of marriage for women: inland Spain, with the lowest age of 21; Aragon, Catalonia and the Valencian Country, with 22; the Basque Country and Asturias-Cantabria, with 23; and Galicia, with 24, the highest age. In the 18th century, age increased by one year in all regions except for the Basque Country and the Cantabrian area, which increased by two years, thus equalling the Galicians at 25 years of age. As a particularity, in Galicia, the age of women was higher than that of men, although, obviously, this was not something absolutely general. In Spain in the first half of the 19th century, there were no major changes, although according to census data throughout the century, in contrast to what happened with celibacy, the age of marriage was falling throughout the country, especially among men. Women married slightly younger but continued to do so earlier, on average 24 years of age compared to 27.5 or 28 for men. This was close to the age that characterised the Western model of marriage.

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]]> Raised in Ciudad Real in 1751 https://historylab.es/raised-in-ciudad-real-in-1751/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=raised-in-ciudad-real-in-1751 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:28:33 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/criados-en-ciudad-real-en-1751/ Ratio of the number of servants to the number of heads of households belonging to the agrarian oligarchy

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]]> The table presented reflects the number and percentage of heads of households who have servants in their service, as well as the typology of the servants. The relationship between both factors, masters and servants, is determined by the socio-economic structure of the territory. Thus, in Ciudad Real, which had a strong agrarian oligarchy, the number of servants per head of household was high, even more so among the wealthy strata of local society. Analysing the data, 61.3% of the servants in Ciudad Real depended on perpetual offices and hidalgos in 1751. In total, of the 50 heads of privileged families, the servant servants numbered 55 and the servant maids 75, showing a preference for females in domestic tasks. On the other hand, the labour and livestock servants numbered 156 and 363 respectively, the vast majority of whom were male. On average, there were 13 servants per wealthy family. The situation of many workers was one of dependence on the master; even more so if we consider the servants in service (the typical profile was female, orphaned, single and young).

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