Protocolos notariales - History Lab https://historylab.es Fri, 20 May 2022 07:59:48 +0000 en-US hourly 1 https://wordpress.org/?v=7.0 https://historylab.es/wp-content/uploads/2021/06/cropped-icono-historylab-32x32.jpg Protocolos notariales - History Lab https://historylab.es 32 32 Secret protests in Burgos (18th century) https://historylab.es/secret-protests-in-burgos-18th-century/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=secret-protests-in-burgos-18th-century Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:48 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/protestas-secretas-en-burgos-siglo-xviii/ Graphic depicting secret protests, a type of power of attorney in which those involved attempted to defend themselves legally in Burgos during the 18th century

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]]> In the documentation of the notarial protocols for the 18th century in Burgos, the so-called secret protests appear. These are writings legally close to the notarial power in which the main parties involved in legal proceedings sought to defend their interests against the complainant. The secret protest, therefore, is a type of appeal against the complaint being brought against them through legal channels.
It cannot be said that this was a homogeneous recourse, since during the first third of the 18th century, 42.2% of the samples collected were collected, 39.2% between 1730 and 1769, and at this point they dropped radically to 18.6% between 1770 and 1799. One of the most widespread hypotheses is that this was a tool that arose due to the extreme judicialisation that affected society as a whole, and its use diminished as the Spanish justice system reduced this fact during the years around the turn of the century.
The main agent involved in secret protest was the clergy (68.2%), with the remaining 31.8% being drawn up by scribes at the request of lay individuals. As for the motives investigated using this legal circumstance, it can be perceived that they are associated with the social problems of the time. For example, compared to the 1.2% of the total represented by appeals about the amount of urban rents during the 18th century, between 1770 and 1789 this amount rises to 6.7% of the total for this period. Other secret protests appeared for reasons of inheritance distributions or access to parish benefices.

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]]> Income and assets of the twenty-four in Jerez de la Frontera during the 18th century https://historylab.es/income-and-assets-of-the-twenty-four-in-jerez-de-la-frontera-during-the-18th-century/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=income-and-assets-of-the-twenty-four-in-jerez-de-la-frontera-during-the-18th-century Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:31 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/rentas-y-bienes-de-los-veinticuatros-en-jerez-de-la-frontera-durante-el-siglo-xviii/ The economic relationship of the "veinticuatros" in Jerez de la Frontera during the 18th century and their relationship with the city's economy

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]]> An analysis of the wealth and income of the twenty-four members of the Jerez de la Frontera town council in the 18th century shows the divergence between the great patrimonial wealth of this social group and the real income they received, which was much lower than what would be expected for the main power group in the city. This imbalance can be explained by the indirect and intensive exploitation of their rural properties, which were subject to continuous leasing and from which they obtained large economic returns.
If we analyse the properties of this power group (1.1% of the taxpayers in the municipality) according to their economic profile, we discover that their economic base is based on their control of the land, with no less than 24.15% of all the land in Jerez in their possession, highlighting and underlining their social relevance.

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]]> Receivers of loans in Segovia (1503-1508) https://historylab.es/receivers-of-loans-in-segovia-1503-1508/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=receivers-of-loans-in-segovia-1503-1508 Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:25 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/receptores-de-prestamos-en-segovia-1503-1508/ Table showing the groups receiving loans in Segovia at the beginning of the 16th century, differentiating between residents of the same city and those of other towns

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]]> Using the case of Segovia, the author aims to shed light on this urban centre at the beginning of the 16th century, trying to explain rationally why this Castilian city (like many others) grew around 1500 and underwent profound social transformations. The thesis of the article proposes that from the mid-15th century until the end of the 16th century, the Castilian nobility of the cities invested part of their profits in favour of merchants and artisans, seeking to obtain a near return in exchange. The main source of wealth for the nobility – the social group that lent the most – was the rent from land
Thanks to the first notarial protocols preserved in Segovia, it is possible to verify the credit at the beginning of the 16th century and the operations that were carried out. It is striking how little monetary attention was paid to the rural sector, as these neighbours managed to receive only 7.3% of the total money lent, despite the fact that they outstripped the city’s neighbours in terms of operations. Urban merchants, on the other hand, were the group that received the largest amount, close to 40% of the total.

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]]> Level of literacy in Avila during the 16th century https://historylab.es/level-of-literacy-in-avila-during-the-16th-century/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=level-of-literacy-in-avila-during-the-16th-century Sat, 19 Feb 2022 16:29:25 +0000 https://historylab.es/2022/02/19/nivel-de-alfabetizacion-en-avila-durante-el-siglo-xvi/ Table showing the level of literacy in Avila by gender and period between 1503 and 1603

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]]> One question that has been receiving the necessary attention in recent years is the extent to which people did or did not know how to sign in the Castilian Renaissance period, especially through notarial deeds and the presence (or not) of the rubric at the end of the document in question. A chronological analysis of the rate of men who knew how to sign in Ávila shows a large increase from the beginning of the 16th century to 1528, from 47.9% in 1503 to 58.6% in 1528. From then on, the percentage level remained more or less stable until 1603. Women, on the other hand, show a lower level of literacy than men, with only 6.3% of those who appear in the sources in 1503 being able to sign, ending the century with 14.5% in 1603 and with only an upturn in 1553 with 38.9%, which may be due to the characteristics of this century, showing a lower rate of women who did not know how to sign their documents.

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